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What do Oliver Twist and Sheldon Cooper Have in Common?

Oliver Twist and Sheldon Cooper – two endearing, fictional little boys from very different backgrounds. Oliver, of course, is the brainchild of the great English writer Charles Dickens, and Sheldon, in Young Sheldon, provides the backstory to Sheldon Cooper from popular TV sitcom, The Big Bang Theory. 

From a linguistic point of view, the two characters have one very interesting thing in common. Somehow, neither of them sounds even slightly like the people they’ve grown up with and around. 

The musical Oliver was released in 1968, featuring an adorable little ragamuffin who has had a very difficult start in life. After spending his early childhood in a dreadful orphanage, he is sold into service to an undertaker, and then runs away to join a gang of juvenile pickpockets in London. Tough. And yet, while everyone around Oliver speaks in thick working-class accents, somehow, he speaks in Oxford English with the crisp diction generally used to denote the aristocracy. 

Little Sheldon comes from a much happier background. His blue-collar family loves him, treats him well, and tolerates his extremely irritating idiosyncrasies. Everyone around him, from his family to his preacher, speaks in a broad Texan accent but somehow Sheldon speaks standard American English. 

OK, so maybe Sheldon could have picked his accent up from TV or the radio, or maybe deliberately adopted it, but Oliver certainly couldn’t have. So, what’s going on?

People often associate particular accents with certain social classes and aspirations. The directors of both of the productions under discussion here are cleverly using accent discrimination to make their point. Oliver already sounds like an aristocrat because, although he doesn’t know it, he is one. When his true origins are revealed at the end of the story, he can slide right into his new family already sounding like one of them. And Sheldon can be made to sound ‘cleverer’ because, in the United States, a broad Texan accent is not coded as ‘intellectual’.

We all adjust our accents, unconsciously and sometimes consciously, depending on who we are with and what we are doing. And, whether or not we mean to, in the process we help to reinforce the accent discrimination that is part of almost every language group in the world.

Photo Source: George Cruikshank, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

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The Sound of Ancient Languages

When the languages of preliterate peoples die, they disappear forever, leaving at best a trace of themselves in placenames that stay the same even after the dominant language changes.

But what about languages that have a written form, but that are no longer spoken?

Experts may still be able to read these languages, but often they don’t know how they were pronounced, and can only guess.

The Voices of Dead Languages Project at Charles University in Prague is reconstructing what a number of ancient languages, including Akkadian, Babylonian and Hittite, sounded like. They are using AI, alongside traditional linguistic knowledge, to figure out similarities between these dead languages and other living languages that are related to them. By comparing different languages that are all related to the dead language, and finding out what pronunciations they have in common, they can start to see patterns that provide insights into the likely pronunciations of the past.

Of course, the research also poses some interesting linguistic-philosophical questions. Like: can a language truly be ‘dead’ when it lives on in other languages – as, for example, much of Latin persists in the Romance languages? When is a language ‘dying’ and when simply going through a normal process of evolutionary change? Is the difference always clearcut or are there many shades of grey?

Food for thought.

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Inuvialuktun

The many indigenous languages of North America have been under pressure for centuries.

Many are extinct, and many still-living languages are in decline.

One language specialist from Inuvik in Canada’s Northwestern Territories, Lillian Elias, has been working for many years as a translator for the legislative assembly, but she is 82 years old now, and nobody is stepping in to replace her. Just over 400 people speak her language, Inuvialuktun, and as more than half are over fifty, it’s clear that this is yet another sad story of an indigenous language steadily dying out.

The reasons why languages die out are many and complex, with roots in colonial history, social change, and changes to the education system. Government decisions about how experts in minority languages are hired and paid can have an impact too. In Canada, professionals working with indigenous languages are freelancers, while their counterparts providing interpretation and translation services in French (one of Canada’s official languages) are government employees, with better employment and pension rights. It all contributes to an environment that, wilfully or otherwise, treats indigenous languages differently.

It’s a complicated situation, obviously, as many indigenous languages are spoken by relatively few people, who don’t need translation and interpretation often enough to keep someone employed full-time. But there’s more at stake than linguistic human rights, as important as those are. As languages die, so does access to history, culture and traditions that date back through the generations, providing everyone with a fuller, deeper and more nuanced understanding of both the past and the present.

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The Evolution of ‘Bitch’

In her book Bitch: The Journey of a Word (2024) Karen Stollznow explores the development of the English word ‘bitch’ and the many meanings and implications it has borne over time.
 
The earliest meaning is one the word still holds today: female dog. In that sense, the word bitch dates back to about 1000 years ago. Over time, the term also came to be used for female foxes, wolves, bears, seals, and other animals.
 
The term ‘dog’ was used as an insult before ‘bitch’ ever was: in fact, ‘dog’ was used to put people down back in ancient Greece and Rome, making it almost inevitable that ‘bitch’ would eventually become an insult too. By the middle ages, ‘bitch’ was being used as a euphemism for ‘prostitute’ and in general to infer that women were sexually promiscuous. By the late 19th century, ‘bitch’ had become the rudest thing anyone could say about a woman; so rude it wasn’t even proper to mention the word directly.
 
By the early twentieth century ‘bitch’ was often being levelled at women seeking equal rights, such as the right to vote, and by the 1960s, amid second-wave feminism, there were efforts to reclaim the word, with some feminist writers arguing that calling a woman ‘bitch’ implied that she was confident and strong-minded; qualities that some men feared in women.
 
But ‘bitch’ also had a hidden life in certain circles: in the language of jazz a ‘bitch’ was a talented, cool musician. And today, while ‘bitch’ is usually uttered, and interpreted, as a straightforward insult, in some contexts variations like ‘beeatch’ are used in an almost complimentary sense, to denote someone as sassy and confident.
 
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Universal Rules of Language

Whether or not there’s a sort of underlying universal set of rules that governs languages the world over has long been a matter of debate among the linguistics community.

Recently, a team of researchers, led Annemarie Verkerk from Saarland University and Russell D. Gray from the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, analysed hypotheses about so-called ‘linguistic universals.’ By studying 1700 languages, they figured out that, while languages may sound very different, there are strong recurring patterns among even completely unrelated languages, including preferences for word order, and how grammatical relationships are marked within sentences.

This ongoing research is fascinating not just to linguists and anthropologists but also to researchers working with topics including cognitive development and communication, as they help us to understand which aspects of language are, or could be, truly universal – and therefore part of who we are as a species – and which are influenced by culture and contact.

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The New Dialect of…. Antarctica?

Antarctica famously has no permanent human population, and therefore no indigenous ethnicity or language, and yet linguistic researchers have figured out that it has its own dialect, or even several of them.

How could that be?

A 2019 study explored the language use of a team known as ‘the winterers’, scientific researchers spending six months in Antarctica, during which time they lived and worked closely together. While they came from various backgrounds, English was the language of communication. And while they all started out with different accents, over the course of the six months they spent together, their accents gradually became more similar to one another.

Instinctively, we all adjust our speech depending on who we’re talking to, and often adopt aspects of their pronunciation, to make ourselves easier to understand. This is what was happening here, and in a small community of just eleven people, it’s easy to see how they all started to sound more alike.

Another interesting linguistic feature of speech in Antarctica is its slang. The in-group of researchers refer to the cold continent as ‘the ice’ and have coined the term ‘ice shock’ to refer to the experience of having to adjust back to living in the wider world once their research term is over.

Even at the very limits of human existence, language is doing interesting things!

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Great Translators of the World – Sarah Austin

Great Translators of the World – Sarah Austin

Sarah Austin was born Sarah Taylor in 1793. Her mother, Susannah, ensured that she was educated in Latin, French, German and Italian, among other things. Her husband, John Austin, was a legal scholar and the couple were well-known in London, where they mingled with some of the most noted intellectuals of their day.

Sarah Austin became renowned as a writer and translator, whose work provided much of her family’s income. In 1833, one of her finest works of translation, Characteristics of Goethe, was published, annotated with her notes and criticisms, and in 1840, Leopold von Ranke’s History of the Popes was similarly well-received.

In her later years, Austin argued for the importance of girls’ education, citing as challenges at the time the fact that many female village schoolteachers had not been taught how to deliver a rigorous academic education to girls, despite generally doing their best. Sarah Austin is remembered as the translator who introduced some of Germany’s greatest writings to English audiences. Her approach was strikingly modern; she started each project by communicating directly with the author, inviting them to be actively engaged with her translation work through to publication.

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Undeciphered Languages

Historical linguists love solving puzzles, but some long-ago languages that were once written down remain untranslated, even after years of study.
The reasons why a written language can evade translation can be various. Often, there just isn’t enough text to give scholars the material they need to decipher it. For example, the Olmec people – who lived in what is now south Mexico from about 1200-400 BCE, left inscriptions that appear to be an early writing system, but archaeologists haven’t found enough of them to start the process. And the Rongorongo script discovered on Easter Island, and apparently used until about 1860, used images of birds, people, and abstract shapes in what appears to be a written language – but as it is found on just a few badly- damaged wooden tablets, there also isn’t enough material for linguists to be able to study it properly.
Even the Etruscan language – spoken in what today is Italy from about 700-50 BCE – is a bit of a puzzle. It was written using letters derived from the Greek alphabet, so in one sense it is legible, but it appears to be unrelated to most European languages, which makes it very difficult to understand it. The hypothesis on which most scholars agree today is that it is related to other languages spoken before Latin in Northern Italy, known as Tyrsenian. These languages predate the arrival of Indo-European peoples in Europe.
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English in Science

Like Latin in the European Middle Ages, English has become the language of science.
 
It’s great, in many respects, that scientists are all publishing in the same language, because it makes it easier for them to share their research and join efforts. But there are problems, too, because – for obvious reasons – mother tongue speakers of science find it easier to write papers in accurate language.
 
Editors of science journals and other vehicles for published science research sometimes reject papers not because there’s anything wrong with the research, but because the standard of the language is not up to mother tongue standards – it may well have been written by someone for whom English is not even a second language, but a third, fourth or fifth. Inevitably, this sometimes results in research that should be published not getting seen and, sometimes, to avenues of promotion being blocked for talented scientists who are not talented at languages.
 
Translation can offer a work-around to this situation, with scientists writing in their mother tongues and hiring translators with appropriate skillsets to translate their work – and that’s what many do, but of course this adds cost to the process of making information public.
 
What’s the solution? Perhaps scientific journals could invest more in editing and translation to allow for a wider range of work to be made accessible to the science community, and the wider world.
 
And of course, 101translations is always here to help.
 
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Great Translators of the World – Jean-François Champollion

Jean-François Champollion, born in 1790, was well-known from an early age for his extraordinary linguistic talents, mastering Coptic, Ancient Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Ge’ez, Syriac, Chaldean, Classical Chinese, Persian and Arabic, as well as his native French.

The early 19th century was a period of deep interest in Egypt, following Napoleon’s campaign there, and the discovery of the legendary Rosetta Stone, which was written in three languages, and made it possible for scholars to start interpreting Egyptian hieroglyphs. In this cultural context, and with his extraordinary linguistic abilities, Champollion was excellently placed to start studying the topic.

In 1822, Champollion revealed that the Egyptian writing system combined phonetic and ideographic signs. By the late 1820s, Champollion was able to read Egyptian texts that had never been deciphered before.

Champollion died in 1838, aged just 41. His grammar of Ancient Egyptian was published posthumously and would form the basis of many subsequent studies in the field. Various locations have been named in his honour, the more striking of which is the Champollion crater, a lunar crater on the far side of the Moon.

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